For now, India appears unlikely to acquire Russian 5th-gen Sukhoi Su-57 stealth fighters despite enticing offers from the Russian side and a personal pitch by President Vladimir Putin.
Many IAF experts argue in favor of Russian aircraft, saying that India should acquire at least two squadrons of Su-57s until AMCA arrives. They believe it will also bridge the massive stealth gap with China and possibly even with Pakistan, if they manage to acquire Chinese J-35 jets.
Critics opposing the Russian aircraft argue that the Su-57 is not really a stealth aircraft, despite having a lower Radar Cross Section (RCS) than the Rafale. They believe a fully equipped Rafale is far superior to the untested, semi-stealth Sukhoi fighter jet.
India has, it seems, moved beyond the Su-57. Defense Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh recently stated in an interview that India has no plans to acquire a “new version of the Sukhois,” hinting at the Su-57s.
Meanwhile, India has officially commenced steps to join the Future Combat Air System (FCAS), despite Germany withdrawing from the program. This marks a noteworthy step for India to acquire/co-develop a sixth-generation aircraft.
A possible FCAS deal would further sideline the Su-57.
However, the Su-57 is not just another aircraft—it’s the key to advanced Russian technology, which India should not miss this time. After the fall of the Soviet Union (USSR) in 1991, China moved quickly to acquire cutting-edge but financially drained Soviet technology.
While the Soviet military-industrial complex was in free-fall—with engineers unpaid and major defense projects on hold due to financial issues —Beijing opened its doors to “free-falling” Soviet scientists.
China reportedly recruited hundreds of Russian specialists to its factories and research institutes. Licenses for the Su-27 were turned into the J-11 family. Critical know-how in engines, avionics, airframes and materials flowed towards Beijing.
China’s J-20, J-16, and the Flanker family, along with advanced engine programs, stand on foundations partly laid by that Soviet talent.
India, by contrast, largely stayed on the licensed-production path. India built reliable platforms such as the Su-30MKI, but did not benefit from the human capital and core technology China secured when the USSR was at its weakest.
Even its first aircraft carrier, Liaoning, was a Soviet warship that China bought, refurbished, and turned into a carrier.
“The unfinished aircraft carrier Varyag was handed over to Ukraine and then sold to China to convert it into a casino. After China received the ship, it completed construction and renamed it the Liaoning. The ship was originally supposed to become one of the USSR’s main ships.
Three decades later, history is offering a second chance to India.
Russia today is under tremendous pressure. Heavy international sanctions, a dried-up economy due to high-intensity conflict, and the need for reliable partners and hard currency have made Moscow very flexible.
President Vladimir Putin publicly offered India the Su-57 with “no limitations”—full access to source codes, mission software, AESA radar architecture, local production, joint two-seat variants, and integration of Indian weapons.
Moscow explicitly linked the offer to assistance on India’s Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA), including high-thrust engines (Product 177S / derivatives of the AL-51 family) that address one of AMCA’s most stubborn bottlenecks.
The Indian Air Force remains short of the authorized 42-plus squadrons. Tejas Mk1A deliveries are struggling, and AMCA is unlikely to achieve operational capability anytime soon. A limited induction of Su-57s would give the IAF a fifth-generation aircraft and possibly access to technology India has not been able to master.
But the real prize lies beyond the Su-57s.
India could use Russia’s expertise to boost its Hypersonic missile program and related propulsion & seeker technology, nuclear-powered attack submarine designs, next-generation drone and counter-drone systems, and high-thrust engine technology.
Buying the Su-57 could unlock this broader package. China hugely benefited from Soviet tech; it’s time India also boosts its military with Russian help, while Russia works hard to keep its economy afloat.
Critics will raise the usual objections: reliability issues, alternatives, and the risk of over-dependence on Moscow. But India’s defense portfolio is already diversified—Rafales, possibly FCAS and indigenous jets like Tejas and AMCA. Adding a tightly negotiated Su-57 does not undo that diversification; it exploits a rare Russian willingness to share what the West will never transfer at the same depth.
India cannot achieve strategic autonomy (Atmanirbharta or Self-Reliance) by refusing technology. It is achieved by absorbing it, mastering it, and then building beyond it. China understood this in the 1990s—it’s time India understood and seized the opportunity.
Russia needs partners and markets. India needs cutting-edge technology.
India should seriously consider partnering with Russia for the Su-57 but also ensure it gets access to high-thrust engines, hypersonics, submarine, and drone technology.
The lesson of the post-Soviet decade is clear. Those who move decisively when a major power is in decline extract lasting technological advantages. The US and the USSR did so from defeated Germany; China did so from the collapsing USSR. India must not make the same mistake twice.
- THIS IS AN OPINION ARTICLE. VIEWS PERSONAL OF THE AUTHOR
- Nitin J Ticku holds a double master’s degree in Journalism and Business Management from the University of Glasgow. He has over 20 years of global experience in MARCOM, Journalism, and Digital Marketing, and has worked & traveled widely across Europe, the Americas, and Asia. Nitin is the Editor of the EurAsian Times.
- He can be reached at editor (at) eurasiantimes.com
