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Japan Answers China’s “Debt Trap” Diplomacy With Benevolent “No Risk” Aid As It Looks To Woo Central Asia

In response to China’s growing influence in Central Asia, Japan has begun to bolster its presence in the region. This could strengthen the balance of power in the area and impede China’s influence in Central Asia. The decision has a two-fold effect: it safeguards the independence of the Central Asian nations and enhances Japan’s influence in shaping the geopolitics of Eurasia.

According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kyrgyz Republic, the first Central Asia-Japan Summit will be held in August 2024 in Astana (Kazakhstan), reported Kabar, the Kyrgyz daily of February 23, 2024, from Bishkek.

The first Central Asia-Japan Summit is timed to coincide with the 20th anniversary of the dialogue platform to deepen further cooperation. Japan is engaged in strategic planning for its inaugural summit in August 2024, which will involve five Central Asian countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan. The objective is to strengthen ties with this crucial region, which is rich in resources.

The Japan-Central Asia Dialogue, established in 2004, has served as a diplomatic platform for two decades, facilitating mutual understanding and paving the way for deeper cooperation. Japan is gearing up to celebrate the 20th anniversary of this dialogue, highlighting its commitment to strengthening ties with the region during the upcoming summit. 

The Summit

This diplomatic move highlights Japan’s proactive approach to navigating the intricate web of power dynamics in the Eurasian region in a shifting geopolitical landscape.

The senior officials of the Central Asia + Japan Dialogue convened for their 16th meeting on May 14 to discuss preparations for the upcoming summit scheduled for the summer in Astana, reported the Kazakh Foreign Ministry’s press service.

The high-level meeting, scheduled for August this year, marks a significant milestone in relations between Central Asian nations and Japan. The discussions highlighted the significance of 2024, commemorating the 20th anniversary of the “Central Asia-Japan Dialogue,” an initiative launched by Japan to foster regional cooperation.

The participants reviewed the summit’s agenda and outcomes and emphasized the current status and prospects for enhanced regional cooperation in trade, economy, transport, and humanitarian aid.

Nazira Nurbayeva, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Kazakhstan, highlighted the recent elevation of cooperation between Central Asian countries and Japan, noting identified areas for new partnership in environmental sustainability, connectivity enhancement, and human resources development.

Launched in 2004 at Japan’s initiative, the Central Asia + Japan Dialogue saw 15 meetings of deputy foreign ministers from 2005 to 2022. Kazakhstan is set to chair the Dialogue in 2024.

Fumio Kishida
File Image: Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida

Tokyo’s New Approach

According to Nikkei Asia, Tokyo’s new offer-based aid will be combined with the traditional request-based process as outlined in the revised Development Cooperation Charter, Japan’s blueprint for its official development assistance program. The Japanese Cabinet has approved the changes.

This marks the first time since 2015 that Japan has revised the ODA Charter (the Official Development Assistance comprising fundamental Japanese aid policies). By leveraging its advantages in digital technology and clean energy, the Japanese government, led by Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, aims to establish Japan as a donor receptive to the needs of other nations.

Prime Minister Kishida emphasized the importance of “quality infrastructure investment” during his trip to India in March. Japan aims to attract countries in the Global South through foreign aid, and its new aid strategy now includes the Global South while still recognizing the significance of the Central Asian region.

Japan has budgeted $4.09 billion for ODA in the current fiscal year. Funding has increased gradually since 2015, but it amounts to half of the 1.16 trillion-yen peak in fiscal 1997, informed Nikkei Asia.

Comparisons With China

China reduced its investments in Central Asia following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic but still provides yearly funding estimated at $60 billion to $70 billion, as reported by the AEI (American Enterprise Institute).

China is accused of using loans that developing countries cannot pay back to entice them into a debt trap and give Beijing control over the infrastructure’s usage rights. Against this, Japan’s new Development Corporation Charter expressly states that it will work with recipient nations “without economic coercion and without undermining the independence of and sustainability of a developing nation.”

The significance of Japan’s new investment initiative also stems from Tokyo’s attempt to prioritize quality over quantity by providing expertise in areas like digital professional training and decarbonization projects for countries that rely heavily on fossil fuels.

New Direction For Central Asia

Japan’s new development strategy in Central Asia can be described as part of the shift in military strategy that Tokyo has undergone over the past decade. Tokyo has slowly abandoned its inward-looking pacifist approach of the post-World War period to deal with its rising neighbor, China.

The military activities of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the region are perceived as increasingly aggressive: they are conducting military exercises with live weapons off the coast of Taiwan, sailing dangerously close to other ships in the South China Sea, and, ramming boats from the Philippines in disputed waters.

China also claims sovereignty over the Senkaku Islands, which Japan considers its territory. Prime Minister Kishida has vowed to increase the country’s military strength to deter the PRC.

In reply to a question from Geoff Bennett, the co-anchor of PBS News Hour, about Japan’s concerns regarding Chinese military activities in the South China Sea, Japanese premier Kishida said – China is rapidly increasing its military presence in the region, including expanding its nuclear and missile capabilities, as well as strengthening its cooperation with Russia. Their military activities in the Sea of Japan and the Pacific Ocean are intensifying. It is important for China to be more transparent and adhere to international codes of conduct, reported PBS News on April 4, 2024.

Central Asia’s Perception Of Japan

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Japan was not a significant player in Central Asian regional politics. Nevertheless, in recent years, Japan has demonstrated a growing interest in the Central Asian Republics (CARs).

Some observers believe Japan is eyeing the energy resources of CARs, which it needs for its industries. But a closer look will show that Japan is trying to play an even greater geopolitical role in the CARs. In doing so, Japan has included Eurasia in expanding its influence overseas. Japan is trying to counterbalance the influence of Moscow and China in Central Asia. Japan is a close ally of the US, and Tokyo knows its role in Central Asia will receive Washington’s approval.

Japan’s Silk Road Diplomacy spells out a conducive and innovative philosophy of chalking out modules for development projects in Central Asia with far-reaching impacts on the economy of the region.

Navoi Theater, Tashkent

In Uzbekistan, for example, the dedication and sincerity of Japanese prisoners of war who were sent by Russia to PoW camps in Tashkent have left a lasting impression. As PoWs, the Japanese built the famous Alisher Navoiy Theater in Tashkent.

The theater survived the catastrophic earthquake of 1966, in which most of the buildings collapsed, but the Navoiy Theatre remained unaffected. The Uzbeks provided the prisoners with food and other necessities and took care of them.

  • Prof. KN Pandita (Padma Shri) is the former director of the Center of Central Asian Studies at Kashmir University.
  • This article contains the author’s personal views and does not represent EurAsian Times’ policies/views/opinions in any way. 
  • The author can be reached at knp627 (at) gmail.com
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