The US and Denmark could renegotiate the 1951 defence pact on Greenland, according to reports.
“The 1951 agreement will get renegotiated,” the source, familiar with talks between President Donald Trump and NATO chief Mark Rutte, told AFP.
NATO chief Mark Rutte said that one “work stream” to arise from the meeting was “that we ensure that the Chinese and the Russians will not gain access to Greenland” in any way.
The US and Denmark struck a deal in 1951 allowing American forces set up a military facility in Greenland.
In 2004, they amended the former pact, tweaking it to fit the modern world. The updated pact gave Washington the freedom to ramp up its military deployments, subject to advanced notifications to Danish and Greenland authorities.
The 1951 Defense Agreement was focused on NATO cooperation against Soviet (USSR) threats.
In 1953, Greenland abandoned its colonial status and became an equal part of Denmark under the constitution.
In 1979, it gained its own Home Rule Government.
By 2004, the US had scaled back its footprint in the region.
That’s where this 2004 agreement comes in. It was officially an amendment and supplement to the 1951 deal, signed by US Secretary of State Colin Powell, Danish Foreign Minister Per Stig Møller, and Greenland Home Rule Chairman Josef Motzfeldt.
The ultimate aim was to update the rules to reflect Greenland’s evolution, reduce US defense zones, increase local input, and link everything into NATO’s broader playbook.
The Heart of the Deal
The pact shrunk US operations to a single spot—Thule Air Base (renamed Pituffik Space Base).
It curtailed the sprawling network of Cold War outposts. The agreement spelled it out clearly: “Thule/Pituffik Air Base is the only defense area in Greenland.”
If the US wanted to set up anything new, it would have to follow the old 1951 rules.
However, Pituffik isn’t just any ordinary military base; it’s an epicenter for missile warning and space surveillance that helps to defend both the Arctic region and North America.
In layman’s terms, Danish and Greenlandic cops help with security when needed, but Washington calls the shots.
It’s a partnership, not a takeover. The pact emphasizes cooperation: US commanders must engage with local representatives on matters that may affect Greenlanders, such as environmental impacts or community relations.
Much of this pact was based on NATO’s Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), which has covered Greenland since 1955. Basically, it updated the old 1951 bits on how US troops behave, who handles crimes, claims for damages, etc.
For example, parts of the original agreement are superseded by NATO rules, ensuring everything complies with alliance standards. On the ground, it means US personnel followed a mix of US, Danish, and NATO laws.
No more outdated restrictions from the ’50s, like limitations on interacting with locals, which were discarded in 1986. Instead, the focus was on practical matters: the US must consult Denmark and Greenland before major changes to operations or facilities. The same applied to landing military planes outside regular airports.
Strengthening Local Voices
The 2004 deal amplified cooperation with Greenlanders. The Home Rule Government could appoint a representative to liaise directly with the Pituffik commander on local issues. That’s on top of the Danish liaison officer already there.
If an issue arises, such as disputes over land use or noise from jets, all sides are expected resolve the matter amicably and quickly. If that did not work, it would be escalated to a Permanent Committee or straight to diplomats.
The preamble acknowledged Greenland’s contribution to joint security interests and its sharing of the “risks and responsibilities.”
The deal aimed to make things more transparent and fair, especially as climate change melts the ice and opens up new shipping lanes and resources.
Beyond Defense
The core pact is short and sweet, just four articles, but it came with two bonus declarations signed the same day.
These aren’t legally binding like the main agreement, but they’re key to the bigger picture.
First, the Joint Declaration on Economic and Technical Cooperation. It included building ties beyond bases, such as joint research on Arctic tech, renewable energy projects, environmental studies, education exchanges, tourism boosts, improved air links, and trade deals.
They set up a Joint Committee to meet yearly and swap ideas, funds, or experts. It was a way for the US to invest in Greenland’s growth, helping offset any downsides from the military presence.
Then there’s the Joint Declaration on Cooperation on the Environment in Greenland. The Arctic is warming fast, and this recognizes its “special vulnerability.”
The US committed to reducing pollution, protecting nature, and complying with Greenland’s strict environmental rules. They create an Environmental Subcommittee under an existing 1991 memo, and update “Final Governing Standards” for US operations.
Greenland gets access to Pituffik for monitoring, and any base tweaks have to factor in eco impacts.
The agreement kicked in the day it was signed and stays in effect as long as the 1951 original does. However, it can be modified at any time if all sides agree.
If things deteriorate, both nations could negotiate changes or pull the plug on the whole framework. So far, it’s held up through ups and downs, like Trump’s wild 2019 bid to buy Greenland outright and the current crisis, where they could renegotiate the pact.
As Trump claims and rightly to some extent, Russia is flexing in the Arctic, China sniffing around for resources, this pact gives the US good control for defense and surveillance in the Arctic region.
Pituffik’s radar tracks missiles and space junk, feeding into global security nets. For Denmark and Greenland, it’s a cash infusion as the US pumps money and resources into the base and the region.
Meanwhile, Greenlanders have pushed for more cleanup of old US pollution, such as from abandoned sites, and a bigger share of the benefits.
By ET Online Desk with AFP Inputs
