While headlines these days are dominated by how U.S. President Donald Trump’s unpredictable and essentially personal diplomatic pursuit is bringing India and China much closer, a relatively underreported but steady development is taking place simultaneously.
And that is the growing proximity between India and Brazil in turning current global economic challenges, especially the tariff hikes imposed by the U.S., into new opportunities for deeper bilateral cooperation, in which a structured and strategic defense partnership will be a key component with concrete pathways across aerospace, maritime, and land-based defense systems.
Incidentally, India and Brazil, both members of multilateral organizations like BRICS and the IBSA (India, Brazil, and South Africa Dialogue Forum), and leading countries of the Global South, have been among the worst victims of Trump’s tariff war. As of now, these are the only two countries on which Trump has imposed duties at 50 percent.
No wonder Modi and Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva are now in regular touch and said to be charting a different path that could reshape how developing countries resist American pressure.
Last fortnight, they had prolonged talks over the phone, which, according to the officials of the two countries, focused on charting a long-term strategic roadmap to turn the challenges facing the two countries into new opportunities in their bilateral relations.
Apparently, Lula has confirmed a state visit to India in early 2026 by accepting Modi’s invitation, who visited Brazil in July. And during this visit, India and Brazil had decided on what was said to be the “five priority pillars” to work together toward strengthening bilateral cooperation based on “ strong economic and technological complementarities”.
Significantly, “Defense and Security” is going to be the first such pillar (followed by the ones on food and nutritional security, energy transition and climate change, digital transformation and emerging technologies, and industrial partnerships in strategic areas).
Recognizing the convergent views and strategic complementarities in defense and security matters between Brazil and India, Modi and Lula had pledged towards growing defense cooperation, including participation in joint military exercises and the exchange of high-level defense delegations.
They had expressed satisfaction with the signing of the Agreement on the Exchange and Mutual Protection of Classified Information, which would enable deeper cooperation in various strategic areas.
They also welcomed the establishment of “a Bilateral Cybersecurity Dialogue” as a platform to deepen cooperation through the exchange of information, experiences, and national perspectives on cybersecurity issues. They had also unequivocally condemned terrorism, including cross-border terrorism and violent extremism in all its forms and manifestations.
It may be noted that soon after Modi’s visit to Brazil, a Joint Defense Committee meeting was held in Brasilia on July 30.
Led by Vishwesh Negi, Joint Secretary (IC) of India, and Maj Gen Willain Koji Kamei, Brazil’s Deputy Chief of Policy and Strategy, talks focused on “boosting military cooperation, training, defense industry ties and regional security in Indo-Pacific and Latin America”.
Negi had also called on the Chief of the Joint Staff of the Brazilian Armed Forces, Fleet Admiral Renato Rodrigues de Aguiar Freire.
According to reports, India and Brazil are exploring avenues for joint research, technology sharing, and training exchanges. They are discussing the types of cooperation that are possible, the kinds of defense systems the two can sell to each other, and where they can co-produce them through joint ventures and joint research and development.
Brazil is said to be interested in secure communication systems on the battlefield. It is also interested in offshore patrol vessels, OPVs.
Like India, Brazil has Scorpène submarines, and it is interested in partnering with India in maintaining those submarines. In fact, Brazil has shown great interest in cooperation with India in the field of shipbuilding in general and warships in particular.
Brazil also appears to be interested in the Akash air defense system, coastal surveillance systems, and Garuda artillery guns.
Above all, Brazilian aerospace giant Embraer is reportedly very keen on expanding its footprint in India. It is an established global brand, and nearly 80 percent of Brazil’s arms exports are dominated by Embraer and its ecosystem.
The Indian Air Force (IAF) operates four Embraer 135 (ERJ 135) business jets, also known as Embraer Legacy jets, for VIP and VVIP transport. These aircraft, named K3601 Meghdoot, K3602 Vayudoot, K3603 Nabhdoot, and K3604 Gagandoot, have been in service since 2005.
In addition to the VIP jets, Embraer also provides other aircraft for the IAF, such as the ERJ-145-based Netra AEW&C aircraft, and is collaborating on the potential C-390 Millennium project on the Medium Transport Aircraft.
Incidentally, on May 30, Embraer established an Indian subsidiary at the AeroCity hub in New Delhi as a part of what it said was its “long-term vision for growth and potential collaboration with India’s aerospace sector, including services and support as well as defense, commercial aviation, business aviation, and urban air mobility”.
According to Embraer president and CEO Francisco Gomes Neto, “India is a key market for Embraer, and this expansion demonstrates our unwavering commitment to the country. We are excited to deepen our collaboration with the Indian aerospace and defense industry, leveraging our expertise and technology to contribute to the nation’s growth and ‘Make in India’ campaign. We see significant opportunities.”
Prof. Amit Gupta, a senior fellow at the National Institute for Deterrence Studies, USA, argues that at the low to medium end of the spectrum, Brazil and Embraer make for an excellent partner for India.
He points out that “the Brazilians have discussed the possibility of buying Tejas if India were to buy the medium-range C-390 transport.
This could be a mutually beneficial deal, as the Tejas can be sold as both an attack aircraft and a trainer to replace Brazil’s aging AMX attack aircraft fleet. At the same time, the C-390 could be license-produced in India after an initial purchase”.
Alternatively, Prof. Gupta adds, “India can work with Embraer to develop a drone that is used for intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance, as well as for light strike duties. Brazil needs such drones to patrol the Amazon as well as its very lengthy coastline, so it could lead to an Indo-Brazilian drone being manufactured in significant numbers and being readily exported”.
There are reports that India’s defense PSU Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) is preparing to open its first regional office in Rio de Janeiro. If materialised, that could be a landmark move in deepening the Indo-Brazilian defense sector, as the two countries are said to possess complementary strengths in electronic systems.
In fact, Brazilian defense expert Carlos Timo Brito points out many areas of synergy between India and Brazil, considering that India is at the forefront of numerous technological processes and hosts many leading companies operating in segments considered priorities by Brazil.
Moreover, Indian exporters in the defense sector can seize the opportunities presented by the favourable import-tax structure in the Brazilian defense sector”.
According to Brito, Brazil has set its defense production priorities in eight industrial segments that could be of interest of Indian partners: 1) light weapons; 2) ammunition and explosives; 3) nonlethal weapons; 4) weapons and ammunition electronic systems and command and control systems; 5) military ground platforms; 6) military aerospace platforms; 7) military naval platforms; and 8) nuclear propulsion.
As outlined in Brazil’s National Defense Strategy, these eight segments involve the three fundamental strategic programmes of Brazil’s defense sector: 1) the nuclear programme led by the navy; 2) the cybernetic programme coordinated by the army; and 3) the space programme managed by the air force.
Incidentally, Brazil’s preference for partnership with India stems from its lack of trust in China as an alternative to the U.S.
As another Brazilian scholar, Matias Spektor, a professor of politics and international relations at Fundação Getúlio Vargas in São Paulo, Brazil, says: “Beijing’s partnerships come with their own dependencies, such as preferential trade terms that favor Chinese exports; its neighbors view it with deep suspicion, and its international influence networks still pale beside America’s. BRICS, a bloc of developing countries, provides a forum for coordination but no genuine governance structure. Countries including Brazil and India likely feel they’d be better off standing on their own than joining Beijing’s orbit”.
For Spektor, despite outside pressure and internal deficiencies, emerging powers like Brazil and India are demonstrating that with mutually beneficial cooperation, they can develop. They need not join either American or Chinese orbit.
Many will agree with him.
- Author and veteran journalist Prakash Nanda is Chairman of the Editorial Board of the EurAsian Times and has been commenting on politics, foreign policy, and strategic affairs for nearly three decades. He is a former National Fellow of the Indian Council for Historical Research and a recipient of the Seoul Peace Prize Scholarship.
- CONTACT: prakash.nanda (at) hotmail.com
