In a major move to challenge China’s growing muscle-flexing in the Indo-Pacific, Japan and the Philippines have inked an Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA).
The ACSA would enable tax-free mutual provision of ammunition, fuel, food, and other essential supplies during joint military training and operations.
This logistical pact, signed in Manila by Japanese Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi and Philippine Foreign Secretary Theresa Lazaro, builds on the deepening defense ties in recent years, including the Reciprocal Access Agreement (RAA), which facilitates troop deployments for exercises and disaster response.
Both Japan and Philipines are key American allies in the Indo-Pacific. They have joined hands with Washington in a trilateral security arrangement, under which Tokyo would arm Manila with patrol boats and other military aid.
The Philippines and China have engaged in frequent and fierce clashes in the disputed South China Sea.
At a joint briefing in Manila, Japanese FM Motegi said the new pact demonstrated that security ties between the two countries were “rapidly expanding”.
Funds provided to the Philippines under Japan’s Official Security Assistance programme — valued at more than $20 million since 2023 — were also being funneled into infrastructure for the first time, he added.
“This is the first infrastructure project under Japan’s OSA program, and we will construct boathouses and slipways for rigid hull inflatable boats,” Motegi said of the OSA funding.
Philippine Foreign Minister Theresa Lazaro said that the new resupply deal would “enhance our mutual military interoperability and readiness” while building off the previously signed visiting forces agreement.
Japan’s growing investments in Philippine maritime security are a direct extension of Tokyo’s 2023 National Security Strategy (NSS), according to Manila-based geopolitical analyst Don McLain Gill.
At the heart of the NSS is Japan’s identification of China as presenting “an unprecedented and the greatest strategic challenge” to Japan’s peace, security, and the broader rules-based international order.
This assessment arises from Beijing’s rapid military modernization, opaque defense spending, economic coercion, and repeated efforts to unilaterally alter the status quo in the Indo-Pacific region.

The document highlights intensified Chinese activities in the East China Sea and South China Sea, including frequent incursions into waters and airspace around the Senkaku Islands, which Japan administers and China claims as the Diaoyu Islands.
A major concern for Tokyo is China’s escalating hostility toward Taiwan. The NSS warns that any contingency in the Taiwan Strait could rapidly spill over into Japanese territory due to geographic proximity, potentially affecting areas like the Senkaku Islands or Okinawa.
Tokyo has frequently emphasized the significance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. It considers any attempt by the Chinese PLA to change the status quo by military means as an existential threat to its own survival.
The strategy also notes deepening strategic coordination between China and Russia, further complicating the regional balance.
Tokyo is also concerned about North Korea’s “grave and imminent” nuclear and missile threats, including advancements in ballistic missile technology and nuclear capabilities.
Russia’s war on Ukraine, which it calls Special Military Operations, has further rattled the Japanese government.
The NSS pushes Japan to reinforce its defense capabilities amid all-around hostilities, including developing counterstrike options, strengthening the AD network, and deepening collaboration with like-minded countries.
The US-Japan alliance remains the cornerstone of Tokyo’s security policy, but the document emphasizes expanding partnerships with like-minded nations like Australia, India, and Southeast Asian countries such as the Philippines.
Analysts like Gill view these steps as Tokyo positioning itself as a key security provider in the region, helping partners like the Philippines enhance maritime domain awareness and deterrence in the South China Sea.
In essence, Japan’s 2023 NSS signals a clear departure from previous policies. By linking its own security to regional stability, Tokyo aims to ensure peace in the Indo-Pacific amid a “triple threat’ from China, Russia, and North Korea.
As Gill notes, these investments underscore Japan’s recognition that its security is inseparable from the stability of its neighbors and the international order it seeks to preserve.
Meaning, Japanese PM Takaichi recently urged South Korean President Lee Jae Myung to help “ensure regional stability”, amid China threats.
Takaichi said she told Lee that “while advancing Japan-South Korea relations, both nations should cooperate to ensure regional stability and fulfill their respective roles”.
“As the environment surrounding both of our countries becomes ever more severe, our bilateral relations, as well as the cooperation among Japan, South Korea, and the United States, are assuming greater importance,” she later told a news conference.
Earlier, Lee said that cooperation between the two US allies “is more important than ever”.
“In this increasingly complex situation and within this rapidly changing international order, we must continue to make progress toward a better future,” Lee added. They agreed to continue their “shuttle diplomacy” of regular meetings, according to Takaichi, as well as work towards the complete denuclearisation of North Korea.
With AFP Inputs




