Is China methodically chipping away at America’s Pacific defense architecture?
American strategic elites are asking this question, even though the Trump Administration says that China is the number one strategic challenge to the US.
Those asking this question seem to have a strong point. After all, consider that there is a country or a state with which the U.S. is treaty-bound for its defense and security.
However, this American ally invites China to renovate an abandoned airstrip that has tremendous geopolitical implications and has played a crucial role during World War II. And that too happened immediately after the US Secretary of War promised to renovate it.
China is now renovating the airstrip at such a pace that it is likely to be functional by the end of this year, that is, within 7 (seven) months of receiving the contract.
But that is exactly what has happened. China is renovating a WWII-era airfield on Woleai Atoll, Yap State, a component of the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) that has a “Compact of Free Association” (CoFA) with Washington. And this airfield is just 418 miles from the U.S. territory of Guam, arguably the most important American base or military hub for its air force and navy to project and maintain U.S. power in the Indo-Pacific.
China’s state-run Shandong Hengyue Municipal Engineering Co. is renovating the airstrip at Woleai Atoll. Its stated goal is to provide Woleai residents with vital air access, replacing lengthy boat trips, and showcase China’s engineering.
Currently, Woleai residents are said to be facing days-long boat journeys to reach mainland Yap. Woleai, comprising 22 atolls, lies about 423 miles southeast of Yap.
The Chinese-led renovation of the Woleai airstrip has serious geopolitical implications, given the increasing strategic competition between the U.S. and China for influence in the Indo-Pacific region.
In fact, in March this year, Secretary of War Pete Hegseth told the President of the Federated States of Micronesia that American military infrastructure there would be increasing to facilitate the Pentagon’s plans in the region, specifically the U.S. Air Force’s Agile Combat Employment (ACE) concept, which requires access to dispersed airfields.
In fact, the U.S. had pledged over $2 billion in infrastructure investments in the FSM to enhance military mobility, including a $400 million upgrade to the main Yap International Airport in Colonia.
The United States and the Federated States of Micronesia (of which Yap is a state, along with the other three being Pohnpei, Chuuk, and Kosrae) have signed an agreement, which will facilitate defense construction and other related projects in Yap, aiming to surmount any potential obstacles that may impede military undertakings in the strategically important island state.
The government of Yap announced the signing of the operational control letter on May 2, following a meeting with U.S. officials to discuss the agreement’s components, which sealed the partnership between Washington and the state government.
However, surprisingly, on May 27, officials from China, FSM, and Yap State broke ground on the project to reconstruct the airstrip at Woleai Atoll. FSM President Wesley Simina and local Yap leaders attended the ceremony.
Incidentally, this air strip was built by Imperial Japan during World War II. It was damaged by U.S. forces during the War, and later rehabilitated by the U.S. Navy before falling into disrepair.
In fact, allied forces led by the US found the atolls of Yap extremely useful for their naval operations against Japan, particularly the invasion of the Philippines, Okinawa, and preparations for the invasion of Japan’s home islands.
Likewise, in a modern war, these islands will be important again, this time to counter Chinese misadventures, American strategic experts believe. And that explains why Yap attracted senior-level visits – from, for example, the Indo-Pacific Commander – and substantial resourcing through the Pacific Deterrence Initiative ($10 billion planned this fiscal year).
Against this background, experts find it hard to believe that China could manage the refurbishment of Woleai airfield. For them, a Chinese airfield in the middle of the second island chain will complicate the U.S. Air Force’s concept of Agile Combat Employment, which requires access to airfields in places like Yap to disperse when under Chinese missile attack.
According to Domingo I-Kwei Yang of Taiwan’s Institute for National Defense and Security Research, “China aims to establish a Southern Link, connecting Asia and South America via Pacific strategic infrastructure hubs. Control over Pacific ports, airstrips, and ICT systems could serve dual-use purposes, enabling transit, logistics, and expanded influence in the U.S. backyard.”
There are many analysts like Yang who are concerned that Chinese-controlled infrastructure could blunt U.S. military power in the Pacific, given Beijing’s policy of military-civil fusion, which enables the People’s Liberation Army to co-opt dual-use facilities.
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Even in 2024, the Pentagon had said in its report on “Military and Security Developments Involving China”: “Since 2015, the PRC has probably viewed engagement and deliberate corruption in the Pacific Island countries as an opportunity to expand its regional influence, press countries to switch diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, increase influence with regional security forces, and advance the PRC’s responsible great power narrative.”
It may be noted that despite being under the American security umbrella through CoFA, the FSM maintains diplomatic ties with the People’s Republic of China, while Palau and the Marshall Islands, which also have CoFA with the United States, recognize Taiwan.
Incidentally, CoFA refers to international agreements between the U.S. and three Pacific island nations—the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), the Marshall Islands (RMI), and Palau—that grant them independence, with the U.S. providing economic aid and defense responsibilities in exchange for exclusive military access and strategic rights in the region.
Earlier, these island nations were under the U.S. Trusteeship. They are now independent nations, but the U.S. retains full authority and responsibility for defense, essentially acting as their security guarantor.
The U.S. also provides substantial financial aid and access to some U.S. federal programs. And what is equally important to note is that citizens of FSM, RMI, and Palau can live and work freely in the U.S. without a visa, though eligibility for certain benefits (like SNAP) has recently changed.
The original compacts, effective in the 1980s/90s, have been amended (notably in 2003) and are currently undergoing renegotiations for continued financial assistance as they approach expiry dates in 2043 for FSM/RMI.
If, despite such strong political, economic, and security bonds between the U.S. and FSM, Chinese presence in the latter could not be prevented by the Trump Administration, risking in the process billions of worth political, economic, and strategic investments, then there has to be accountability and heads must roll, argues naval expert Brent Sadler.
He finds it unfathomable that “Interior, regional commands, and legal advisers have all failed to enforce CoFA protections, risking billions in U.S. investments and eroding America’s positional advantage in Micronesia”.
Since Yap is in CoFA, the Department of Interior’s office for insular and international affairs and its troubled deputy, reported on by the Daily Signal, should be at the tip of the spear, he adds. “And, the nearby Joint Region Marianas and Joint Task Force – Micronesia should have been aggressively raising alarms”.
Sadler demands that “Given the stakes, an investigation is needed to determine how another Chinese investment in dual-use military facilities has proceeded unimpeded for so long. Questions need to be asked about why regional legal counsels failed to contest this Chinese investment and to represent and ensure that U.S. interests were met through CoFA”.
If accountability is not fixed, “U.S. leadership responsible for the region will continue to fail in identifying and addressing problematic Chinese encroachment and influence in Micronesia. The consequence of continued inaction will render years of effort and billions of dollars in military investment and planning useless”, Sadler warns.
He seems to have a point.
- Author and veteran journalist Prakash Nanda is Chairman of the Editorial Board of the EurAsian Times and has been commenting on politics, foreign policy, and strategic affairs for nearly three decades. He is a former National Fellow of the Indian Council for Historical Research and a recipient of the Seoul Peace Prize Scholarship.
- CONTACT: prakash.nanda (at) hotmail.com
