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“No Third-Hand F-16s”! Columbia Threatens To Buy Russian Fighters; Accuses U.S. Of Derailing Gripen Deal

Colombia announced in April that it would acquire Saab Gripen jets to replace its aging Israeli Kfir fighters. If the deal actually goes through, this could make Colombia the second country in South America, after Brazil, to operate Swedish aircraft.

Colombian President Gustavo Petro announced the selection of the Saab Gripen-E/F fighter jet on April 2 in a statement published on the social media site X. Petro said the country had signed a Letter of Intent (LoI) with the Swedish government. 

“After the letter of intent signed by the government of the Kingdom of Sweden, and having approved the country’s strategic air defense as a prioritized project, I inform: The fleet of aircraft to be acquired is completely new, cutting-edge technology, already implemented in Brazil, and they are of the Saab 39 Gripen brand,” read the statement which was machine-translated to English.

Earlier, Colombian Defense Minister Pedro Sanchez said in an interview that the country would decide to acquire a new fighter jet “within months.” Sanchez said the country was evaluating its options, including the F-16, the Swedish Gripen, and the French Rafale. 

Interestingly, another South American country, Argentina, decided to acquire 24 second-hand Lockheed Martin F-16 Fighting Falcons from Denmark in April 2024, while rejecting China’s JF-17 Thunder.

The JF-17, co-developed by China’s Chengdu Aircraft Corporation and Pakistan, had emerged as a frontrunner by 2023. Priced at approximately $25–30 million per unit, the Block III variant offered modern AESA radar (KLJ-7A), PL-15 beyond-visual-range missiles, and a robust electronic warfare suite.

Beijing sweetened the package with favorable financing—up to 85% covered through soft loans from the China Export-Import Bank—and promises of technology transfer. For cash-strapped Argentina, the JF-17 appeared as a pragmatic solution to replace its obsolete A-4AR Fighting Hawks.

The F-16, by contrast, arrived with battle-tested reliability and Western interoperability. Denmark’s Block 15 MLU (Mid-Life Update) jets—upgraded in the 1990s with APG-66(V)2 radar, glass cockpits, and Link 16 datalinks—offered immediate combat readiness. The US approved the transfer under its Excess Defense Articles program, waiving typical refurbishment delays.

Argentina secured 18 single-seat F-16AMs and six twin-seat F-16BMs, plus a weapons package including AIM-120 AMRAAMs and AIM-9 Sidewinders.

President Javier Milei’s pro-Western foreign policy, including Argentina’s bid for NATO “global partner” status, aligned with Washington’s strategic interest in countering China’s regional influence.

The US provided $300 million in Foreign Military Financing—unprecedented for a non-NATO ally—effectively slashing Argentina’s outlay to under $15 million per jet. Training began in Arizona by late 2025, with full operational capability targeted for 2027.

The JF-17’s rejection underscored a broader lesson: in modern fighter procurement, lifecycle costs, supply chain security, and alliance compatibility are critical.

Will History Repeat With Colombia?

Columnian President in a tweet on November 2 said:

This article from El Tiempo only proves two things, both utterly dreadful.

1. The USA has been tailing my family.

2. The issue of the fury from US government officials, first and foremost, seems to be that I didn’t buy the second-hand F16s which the USA offered me, but instead opted for the brand-new Gripens from Sweden.

Colombian law allows me to make this deal. As far as I know, Sweden isn’t a terrorist country, nor are the owners of Gripen drug traffickers. They tried to criminalise Lula for the same reason, too.

Business, business. The negotiation with Sweden was done transparently. They shouldn’t force me to buy Russian planes then. We are sovereign; we’re not obliged to purchase second- or third-hand weaponry for our public forces.

I believe the Kingdom of Sweden must speak out, and the firm Saab, about this attack on our freedom and sovereignty.

The US reportedly proposed up to 24 aircraft (a mix of donated second-hand Block 50/52s and new Block 70s) for about $4.2 billion, emphasizing interoperability with Colombia’s existing U.S.-sourced fleet (e.g., C-130s, Black Hawks).

F-16BM unveiled by Argentina

Second-hand F-16s were highlighted as cost-effective, with upgrades like AESA radars and AIM-120 missiles.

Reports claim that the US may be trying to derail the Gripen deal, leveraging its control over key components:

Engine Veto Threats: The Gripen E/F relies on the U.S.-made General Electric F414-GE-39E engine, which is subject to the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR). In January–March 2025, under the Trump administration, Washington signaled a potential export veto to block re-export licenses, explicitly to steer Colombia toward F-16s.

Saab executives denied a formal block, calling the reports “misleading,” but sources such as Infodefensa and SA Defensa described it as a “full veto” tactic.

Diplomatic and Economic Leverage: The US ramped up “diplomatic and economic pressure,” including trade threats, sanctions hints, and accusations of lax anti-drug efforts under Petro.

In February 2025, US officials met with Colombia’s defense minister to laud the F-16’s “strengths,’ such as NATO interoperability. This echoed the broader US strategy to dominate Latin American arms sales.

Tensions peaked when the US suspended arms sales and imposed personal sanctions on Petro’s family, citing drug trafficking failures. Petro responded by threatening a “strategic shift” to Russian Su-30SM or Su-35 jets, framing US actions as coercive imperialism.

In July 2025, Colombia confirmed orders for 16 jets, with Saab emphasizing “all licenses in order.”

No pivot to F-16s has occurred, and Petro’s defiance—bolstered by Sweden’s support and Brazil’s operational data—signals Colombia’s pushback against US dominance.

For now, Colombia’s choice prioritizes cost, autonomy, and diversification over US pressure. Whether the US can pull off another Argentina-like deal remains to be seen.

  • Nitin is the Editor of the EurAsian Times and holds a double Master’s degree in Journalism and Business Management. He has nearly 20 years of global experience in the ‘Digital World’.
  • Connect with the Author at: Nytten (at) gmail.com
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